The Republic of Karakalpakstan, a sovereign democratic republic within Uzbekistan, occupies a significant portion of the country’s northwestern territory, spanning 166,590 km² and housing approximately 2 million people. Its capital, Nukus, serves as a cultural center, notably hosting the Savitsky Museum with its collection of Russian avant-garde art. The population is diverse, primarily comprising ethnic Karakalpaks, Uzbeks, and Kazakhs, with the Karakalpaks being a Turkic-speaking group culturally and linguistically closer to Kazakhs than Uzbeks. Historically, the region was part of the Khorezm Empire and Khanate of Khiva, becoming autonomous under Soviet rule in 1925 and integrated into Uzbekistan in 1936. Since Uzbekistan’s independence in 1991, Karakalpakstan retained its autonomous status, with Article 89 of the Constitution granting it the right to secede via referendum, a provision central to recent tensions.

Figure 1: Karakalpakstan in Uzbekistan. By TUBS – This vector image includes elements that have been taken or adapted from this file (CC BY-SA 3.0)

Autonomy within Uzbekistan

Karakalpakstan’s modern relationship with Uzbekistan was shaped during the Soviet era. The Karakalpak people, culturally and linguistically close to Kazakhs, were first organized into an autonomous oblast in 1925, which became the Karakalpak Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR) in 1932​. In 1936, the Karakalpak ASSR was transferred from Russian and Kazakh jurisdiction to the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic​. As a result, when Uzbekistan gained independence in 1991, Karakalpakstan became part of the new nation.

Figure 2: The republic of Karakalpakstan’s flag

In 1993, Karakalpakstan adopted its own constitution declaring itself a “sovereign” republic within Uzbekistan as long as it complies with Uzbekistan laws, with the constitutional right to secede by referendum after 20 years​. This special status – virtually unheard of elsewhere in Central Asia – was intended to safeguard Karakalpakstan’s autonomy and rights within the Uzbek state. However, in reality the autonomy has remained limited: Karakalpakstan can only exercise powers in compliance with Uzbek law, and key decisions are often controlled by Tashkent​. For example, the region’s top officials (such as the Chairman of the Zhukargi Kenes, the local parliament) are effectively approved by Uzbekistan’s president. After the riots, in August 2022, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev (President of the Republic of Uzbekistan since 2016) proposed Amanbay Orynbaev, who was the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Karakalpakstan during the bloody events of July 1-2 and who took an active part in suppressing the peaceful demonstration of Karakalpakstanis, for the post of chairman at the session of the Zhukargi Kenes of Karakalpakstan, illustrating the center’s influence over the republic’s governance.

Figure 3: Map of the Republic Karakalpakstan highlighting its capital and the most populated cities. By Dae1286 (CC BY-SA 4.0)

Legal Framework for Human Rights

Uzbekistan’s 1992 Constitution outlines protections for human rights, including equality, life, and freedoms of thought and expression, yet implementation has been inconsistent, as noted by international bodies. Karakalpakstan operates under its own constitution, aligned with Uzbekistan’s, with the Jokargy Kenes legislating on local matters. Jokargy Kenes refers to the supreme representative and legislative body of the Republic of Karakalpakstan formed under Constitution of the Republic of Karkalpakstan, adopted on 9 April 1993.

Recent reforms include the National Strategy for Human Rights, aiming to enhance legal frameworks and institutions, with regional implementation monitored quarterly by local councils, including Karakalpakstan’s Jokargy Kenes. A notable achievement was the 2019 closure of the Jaslyk prison, known for abuses, seen as a humanitarian step. However, the International Society for Human Rights (ISHR) has no choice but to continue reporting ongoing violations, particularly in political freedoms and detainee treatment.

The 2022 Protests and Human Rights Violations

In July 2022, Karakalpakstan experienced the largest unrest in its post-Soviet history. The Uzbek government had unveiled draft constitutional amendments that, among other changes, sought to strip Karakalpakstan of its “sovereign” status and its right to secede. News of these plans sparked outrage in Karakalpakstan’s capital, Nukus, and other areas. On July 1–2, 2022, thousands of people took to the streets in mostly peaceful protests against the proposed amendments​. Protesters also demanded the release of a local blogger and lawyer, Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov, who had been detained and received a 16-year prison sentence after calling for a peaceful non-violent rally. The authorities responded with force. According to UN experts, Uzbek security forces used unjustified lethal force, including live ammunition and stun grenades, to disperse the crowds​. A state of emergency was declared in Karakalpakstan, and the region was put on lockdown with curfews and internet blackouts to quell the unrest​.

The violence resulted in significant casualties. The Uzbek Prosecutor General’s Office reported that 21 people were killed and 274 injured during the unrest​. (This included some law enforcement personnel among the dead.) Independent observers believe the actual toll may have been higher, given the chaos and restricted information flow. President Mirziyoyev, in an unusual move, traveled to Nukus on July 2 in the midst of the crisis. He announced that the controversial constitutional changes affecting Karakalpakstan would be withdrawn, effectively bowing to the protesters’ core demand​. This concession averted further escalation, but a heavy-handed crackdown followed. More than 500 people were arrested in the days after the protests​, and many detainees were reportedly subjected to ill-treatment or torture while in custody.

Over the subsequent months, Uzbek authorities initiated large group trials for those accused of involvement in the July 2022 events. In two high-profile trials (held outside Karakalpakstan, in Bukhara for security reasons), 61 defendants – including activists, bloggers, lawyers, and journalists – were prosecuted on charges such as rioting, separatism, and attempting to overthrow the constitutional order​. However, concerns regarding trial process affected the proceedings, since reports stated some suspects were held without being able to talk to their lawyers and were forced to confess. Yet, in January 2023, the first trial concluded with sentences ranging up to 16 years in prison, including a 16-year sentence for Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov, identified as one of the protest organizers​. A second trial in March 2023 similarly issued prison terms (up to 11 years) to many participants​. While a number of those convicted later had their sentences reduced or suspended on appeal, most of the principal figures remain behind bars​. Tazhimuratov’s 16-year sentence was upheld on appeal, despite his testimony that he was tortured in custody (beaten, electrically shocked, and even stood on until he lost consciousness)​. His allegations of torture were not effectively investigated by authorities​.

Also, International reactions to the 2022 Karakalpakstan events reflected a clear divide. Countries like China expressed firm support, with its Foreign Ministry stating that it “supports the Uzbek government in maintaining national stability.” Russia emphasized that the unrest was a “domestic affair” and called for resolving concerns through “legal means rather than rioting.” Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan echoed support, praising Uzbekistan’s leadership for its “timely and decisive actions” to preserve order. Turkey expressed confidence that the issues would be resolved “with common sense and in an atmosphere of peace and tranquility.” In contrast, Western responses were more critical: the European Union urged authorities to “guarantee human rights, including the fundamental rights to freedom of expression and freedom of assembly,” while the United States called on Tashkent to “protect all fundamental rights” and urged “an investigation into the violence.” This divergence highlights differing geopolitical perspectives and priorities between regional allies and international human rights advocates.

​In early July 2022, the German Section of the International Society for Human Rights (ISHR) expressed deep concern over the Uzbek government’s proposed constitutional amendments that would have revoked Karakalpakstan’s right to secede via referendum, a right enshrined since 1993. The ISHR highlighted the government’s forceful response, which included internet disruptions, arrests of activists and bloggers, and the deployment of National Guard units from other regions. Back then, the ISHR emphasized that the situation remained volatile, underscoring the need for genuine respect for regional autonomy and the protection of fundamental rights.

After the July events of 2022, Tashkent allocated certain financial assistance to Karakalpakstan and provided a number of benefits. However, the measures taken do not sufficiently minimize the problems that have arisen in the region. Unemployment remains high and many Karakalpakstan residents are forced to look for work in Kazakhstan and Russia. Moreover, the environmental situation associated with the drying up of the Aral Sea is of particular concern. Karakalpakstan, which is located at the end of the Amu Darya, is experiencing an acute shortage of water. In connection with the canal from the Amu Darya being prepared in Afghanistan, an even greater shortage of water is expected in the region.

Conclusion

Nearly three years on, justice for the victims of the crackdown remains unclear. On August 4 2023, an Uzbek court sentenced two police officers to seven years for torture and another to three years for perjury and negligence resulting in a death. No other officers have been held responsible for the 21 deaths and numerous injuries, and the parliamentary commission investigating the abuses has yet to release any findings. International observers have criticized this lack of transparency and justice. Freedom House called the security forces’ use of live ammunition against largely peaceful Karakalpak demonstrators “excessive and unjustifiable,” noting that the government’s inquiry has yielded little action or accountability​. Human Rights Watch likewise reported that Uzbekistan’s leadership has “failed to ensure justice” for those killed, and instead has intensified repression of Karakalpak activists since the unrest​. The European Union, United Nations human rights experts, and other organizations urged an independent investigation into the violence​, but meaningful steps toward accountability have been limited so far.

By Salijon Abdurakhmanov and Mohammad Mohseni